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Chaturanga

~ statecraft, strategy, society, and Σοφíα

Chaturanga

Tag Archives: idli

Idli – The Magic of Karnataka

05 Sat Sep 2015

Posted by Jaideep A. Prabhu in Recipes, Society

≈ Comments Off on Idli – The Magic of Karnataka

Tags

black gram, idli, idli rava, India, khotto, Lokopakara, Manasollasa, rice, Shivakotiacharya, steam cooking, urad dal, Vaddaradhane

It is amazing that the unassuming South Indian idli can evoke so much passion among its connoisseurs. For a simple steamed rice cake, it is an iconic preparation of South India and the heated debates take place over its origin. It is amusing that such a pleasant and bland food came to be born in a region famed for its traditionally spicy cuisine but somehow, the art of the perfect idli is as much a vital part of the culinary traditions of Karnataka and Tamil Nadu as those other dishes.

There are several theories about the origins of the idli. One theory I put no stock in posits Arab origins, while other more sensible ones suggest Indonesian influence if not necessarily origin. It must be kept in mind that food preparation changes over time with new technology and the cumulative creativity of generations. Thus, pinpointing the origin depends also on one’s definition – is the home of the idli the place it finally took its modern form or is it where the first spark of creativity occurred? Also, how much variation has there been that this distinction even matters?

IdliAs all idli devotees know, the first written evidence of anything resembling idli comes from Vaddaradhane, an early 10th century work in Kannada, by Shivakotiacharya. The author describes a preparation of ground urad dal (black gram). Several other medieval works such as the Lokopakara and the Manasollasa mention this dish, albeit with slightly varying details. This indicates that the idli evolved over eleven centuries, as is to be expected. However, the essence of the idli – urad dal batter – makes this a valid point of origin for the dish.

The controversy comes from the observations of KT Acharya, a chemist and a food historian. He argued that these recipes leave out three essential details of the modern preparation – the admixture of ground rice, the fermentation, and the final steaming of the batter until fluffy. While this is true, it must also be noted that these early mentions of idli are not exactly cookbooks – Manasollasa, for example, is an encyclopaedia, and Lokopakara is a similar compendium of local knowledge covering astrology, ayurveda, religion, veterinary science, horticulture, water management, divination, and cooking. It is not implausible that a complete recipe was not given.

KT Acharya does not provide any compelling evidence to firmly locate the birth of the idli in Indonesia except to say that references to the preparation begin to resemble the modern form only after 1250. Given the Southeast Asian island’s long tradition with fermentation and its close links to India during the period, it is possible that the idli was brought to India by traders. It may even be that the idea went to Indonesia from India and returned, altered for the better.

This is not impossible but seems a circumlocutious theory for no good reason. The admixture of ground rice may not have been mentioned in the earliest records but references to the addition of lentils certainly exist. Such variations are not only common today but also indicate that it is not beyond imagination that rice could have also been added.

Similarly, the history of fermentation extends back millennia and was hardly unknown in India. In fact, ancient Indian texts reveal a fair understanding of fermentation and its various stages though not in the language of Louis Pasteur. Nonetheless, evidence points to the fermentation of rice, barley, millet, mango, grape, palm, apple, sugarcane, the bark of certain trees, and more. Several methods of fermentation were also known – depositing the fermenting vessel in the earth, exposing it to the sun, and burying it in a mound of grain. It is difficult to imagine that the fermentation of urad dal would have been beyond the gourmets of Chalukyan Karnataka.

The third objection to an Indian origin of the idli is that steaming is alleged to have not been known to Indians. The primary source for this are the notes of a Chinese traveller to South India in the 7th century who complained that the locals did not possess steaming vessels. Yet steam cooking is an ancient art, the earliest archaeological evidence going back at least 35,000 years to the Aurignacians of the Upper Paleolithic era who cooked food by wrapping it in wet leaves. Several other methods have also been discovered – steam pits in Arizona, steam cookers of stoneware in China, and steam vessels made of thin cypress strips in Asia – but the tradition of wrapping in leaves is still prevalent in coastal Karnataka among the Konkani and Tuluva peoples. Additionally, the presence of other steamed preparations such as the modak suggest that Indians did not have to wait until the 13th century to learn steaming.

This lengthy exposition on the history of idli and the controversies surrounding it should be an indication of how seriously South Indians take their food. Anyway, without further ado, let us see how we make these amazing little drops of magic!


Ingredients:

  • Urad dal (blackgram) – ½ cup
  • Idli rava (ground rice) – 1¼ cups
  • Salt – 1 teaspoon

Preparation time: 13 hours (including fermentation)

Cooking time: 10 minutes

Serves: 3

Process:

  • Take half a cup of urad dal and wash it thoroughly. Then, soak it in water about two inches above the lentil. Ideally, let it sit for four hours but if you are in a rush, allow at least two hours for soaking.
  • Strain the dal but do not throw away the water – you will need it shortly. Rinse your wet grinder thoroughly before use so that no old flavours are clinging to the stone. Put the dal in the grinder all at once and start grinding.
  • Add a little of the water you had soaked the dal in earlier to the mix and maintain a smooth and fluffy consistency. This should take about 25 to 30 minutes, depending on the quality of the urad dal. Keep adding water as needed and occasionally stir the batter to ensure none remains stuck to the sides of the grinder vessel. You do not have to stand by the grinder the whole time but can check in on it every five to seven minutes. Do not allow the batter to get dry or lumpy.
  • When the batter is ready, neatly remove it all from the wet grinder and put it in another vessel. Add the idli rava and salt to the batter and stir vigorously. Take care not to allow the formation of any coarse lumps. You may need a little water to aid the process.
  • Cover the vessel and allow to ferment overnight.

Many consider the making of the perfect idli an art and some may even hesitate to tell you precisely how they make it. Everyone pretends to have some sort of secret formula or technique which makes their idlis the best. No doubt, cooking is an art and it is only with experience that you will be able to judge just how much idli rava you need for the urad dal batter or how long you must grind the urad dal or whatever else.

That said, in my own experience, the quality of the ingredients matters enormously in making the perfect idli. But first, what is a perfect idli? I cannot give you a scientifically rigorous answer but where I come from, the virtues of that white lump of goodness lie in its softness – the idli should break effortlessly and once dipped in chutney or sambhar, should almost disintegrate on its own in your mouth. The sad fact of the matter is that this depends heavily on the quality of the ingredients and not the cook; one sample of urad dal is fluffier than another sample, one batch of idli rava is coarser than another. An experienced cook can mitigate the effects somewhat by altering the ratio between the two but there is only so much one can do. So when you make your own idlis, always keep an eye on what ratio works best for you with the ingredients in your locality – my numbers are a sound approximation for the ingredients I get from my nearby kirana.

Another factor that affects the recipe is the weather. It takes more or less time to ferment the batter depending upon the temperature. If you live in a nice, cool place like Denmark or Norway, you might have to leave the batter in the oven overnight certain months of the year! On the other hand, if you live in sultry, tropical places like the Yucatan or Cuba, the batter will ferment within four hours and progressively get bitter after that. No need to panic – the climes of South India are hardly paradise either! But generally, if it is between 20 °C and 30 °C outside, roughly, fermentation will be an overnight process.

  • The next day, vigorously stir the batter again; it would have fermented and settled somewhat overnight but you want it fluffy.

Technically, all that remains to be done is to steam the batter. However, this can be done in several ways. A popular method in South Canara is to put the batter in little pouches made of the leaves of a jackfruit tree – this imparts a slight yet discernible flavour to the idli and makes it simply amazing. Called khotto in the local language, it is my favourite twist to the basic idli.

Alternatively, you can put the batter in idli trays or small, short steel cups specifically intended for steaming idlis. This is the more traditional way but it lacks a certain je ne sais quoi of a khotto 🙂

  • Put your choice of container for the idli batter in a pressure cooker and steam for about ten minutes. Allow the pressure to dissipate and open the pressure cooker in about five minutes.
  • Serve hot with chutney, sambhar, pickle, and/or coconut oil. Personally, I am not the biggest fan of the coconut oil as condiment but it does have its merits when applied to a hot, steaming khotto – with the smell of the jackfruit tree leaves added, it is most appealing to the eyes, nose, and tongue!

Stick to my ratio the first time you make idli and after that, play with the proportions. A higher percentage of idli rava will make the idli harder but too little and the idli will be mush.

Good adventures in the kitchen, and…buon appetito!

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The Idli Vendor

21 Tue Apr 2009

Posted by Jaideep A. Prabhu in Opinion and Response

≈ Comments Off on The Idli Vendor

Tags

BR Ambedkar, brahmin, Brihadeeshwara Temple, caste, China, citizenship, civilisation, dalit, education, EMS Namboodiripad, federalism, Hinduism, idli, India, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, kaapi, Karl Marx, Madhavacharya, nation-state, Non-Resident Indian, NRI, People of Indian Origin, PIO, plebeian, political representation, Raja Rammohan Roy, Rome, senate, state, Taoism, Thanjavur, Universal Adult Suffrage, untouchability, VD Savarkar, vote

Interlocutors:

Subramanian Venkatraman
Gaius Aemilius Priscus

Setting: Brihadeeshwara Temple courtyard, Thanjavur

Subramanian: Ho there, Gaius! *beams* Fancy seeing you here today of all days. Is it not the two thousandth-something anniversary of your beloved city today?

Brihadeeshwara Temple, Thanjavur

Brihadeeshwara Temple, Thanjavur

Gaius Aemilius Priscus: Salve, Subbu! *smiles* Yes, it is the 2, 762nd anniversary of the Città Eterna…and you know us Romans, we need the benign intercession of any and all willing gods to save our city. I mean, look at us…this is the 65th government since the end of the War, the fourth prime minister in three years, who is also the third non-elected one in succession! Jupiter has clearly washed his hands off us, maybe Siva can help *laughs*

Subramanian: Yes, well…we are not ones to speak on executive effectiveness, as you can see around you.

Gaius: This one man – one vote, I say. Cannot work in a country with such great diversity of material conditions.

Subramanian: Are you talking about India or Rome?

Gaius: India, but the principle holds true anywhere.

Subramanian: Wait…let me get this straight – you don’t believe in universal adult suffrage?! Thambi, this is the 21st century!

Gaius: Fat lot of good your century has done you. You have vote banks, minoritarian pressures, caste politics…what is it they say here, you don’t cast your vote but you vote your caste? This is what happens when you give plebeians the vote. Most have no clue what they are voting for; they only know their own desires and not the cost at which even their needs might be met.

Subramanian: Oh, come on! You think the educated and refined do not have prejudices? Don’t be silly, of course they do! What’s more, they can probably disguise their biases with the clever use of some social theorist of the day or the other.

Gaius: Subbu, education is just one possible criterion. It’s like a cut-off point that we have in exams for passing a student. One could argue it’s arbitrary, but where would we be without some standard of objective discrimination? It is useful even if not perfect…think of it as a heuristic device. Besides, there’s a better argument to be made for education as a criterion. An educated person is more likely to have met people of diverse backgrounds at his school and workplace and is therefore more likely to be aware of alternative views on an issue even if he doesn’t agree with them. Prejudice aside, I am talking about voting.

Subramanian: So am I. Let us imagine that you had a some sort of educational criterion for voting. I assume you’d want this for standing for office too. What’s to stop an educated class from appropriating the state machinery to serve their interests?

Gaius: First of all, you speak like these two groups do not belong to the same society. One cannot really survive without the other – the elite cannot survive without manual labour, and if the elite have an environment in which they can function well, who will be the part-beneficiaries of those extra schools, factories, and offices? It’s the mobility that counts more than the mere existence of strata. This is a symbiotic relationship Subbu, don’t forget that. You want good workers, you want loyal workers…that means you have to take care of them too.

Subramanian: I’m sure that is what all those cotton mill workers were thinking in late 18th and 19th century England *smiles*

Gaius: We have laws now to prevent such exploitation, macha! Besides, those mill workers might have wanted to vote and represent their interests but many of their reforms were introduced by others in the elite. The Reform Acts in England were hardly introduced by plebeians in the House! In fact, the lower classes have steadily increased their rights over time despite not having political representation for most of human existence. I may be biased here with my own, but I daresay Uncle Julius did a lot more for slaves in the Empire than Spartacus ever achieved.

Subramanian: No, I am not getting you started now on the glories of Rome, Gaius! But the laws guarding against exploitation – they can easily be modified…especially if these people have no political weight.

Gaius: Yes, and there are non-political reasons to maintain a dignified amount of labour protections. There is a basic sense of human dignity which I don’t expect people of this era to understand, but there are economic reasons too. Speaking of which, walk with me, I thought I saw a lady selling idli near the entrance.

[Gaius and Subramanian get up and start ambling towards the idli vendor]

Subramanian: *grumbles* What is it with your love affair with idli?! One would think you’re the Dravidian!

Gaius: And you are a fake Dravidian for not liking idli…you prefer tea over kaapi too, infidel!

Subramanian: Anyway, voting is not merely about economics. Since we are talking about India, you have to see the context in which universal adult franchise was made a constitutional right. There were social components to it too.

Gaius: Such as?

Subramanian: Well, you mentioned caste earlier. Despite what many urbanites think, caste still plays a major role in India. Haven’t you noticed how in some houses the servants do not sit at the table but on the floor when eating? Or how some houses keep a separate set of utensils for giving food to the servants?

Gaius: But that could also include a less fortunate brahmin…we’re not exactly the moneyed caste, you know!

Subramanian: 1947, da! Yes, there may have been poor brahmins but the majority of the labourers, untouchables, or downtrodden were lower caste people. With little access to opportunity, they were the overwhelming majority of the underprivileged. Why and how this situation came to pass is a topic for another day but for the purposes of universal adult suffrage, the discrimination against these people would not have gone away if they had not been given the vote.

Gaius: [To vendor: Naalu iddliyum chutniyum konduva pattima] Subbu, that is nonsense! You think suffrage can eradicate discrimination?! Do you know how many rich and educated black people sometimes find it difficult to call a taxi in the United States? I agree money ameliorates things, but I think you are putting too much faith in suffrage. Besides, I fundamentally disagree with the implicit argument you are making that only a dalit can speak for dalit interests.

Subramanian: No, but think about it: if India approached democracy the way you seem to be suggesting, the only people who would have got the right to vote would be the educated and rich elite. I seriously doubt that there would have been any social justice agenda in the legislature.

Gaius: While I do enjoy your misanthropy Subbu, I would like to remind you that the Abolitionists were not all black men! Even here, in India, Ambedkar’s sterling role in guiding Dalit politics notwithstanding, you’ll have to agree that there was an outpouring of remorse among the Hindu upper caste elite across the political spectrum. From Namboodiripad to Savarkar. One could make a credible argument that it was the educated upper caste elite which made your Indian version of affirmative action possible.

Subramanian: No, they were not all black men, but how long did it take them to abolish slavery? How much longer to achieve the vote? And how much after that to attain even some semblance of equality?

Gaius: But two points, ma. One, reform movements do start from within; an outside impetus is not always required. As long as we are open to new ideas, we will be fine. Since we are standing in the shadow of the Brihadeeshwara Temple, consider the several reform movements within Hinduism itself. Raja Rammohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Madhavacharya…many have been entirely internal without external influence. As painful as some forms of discrimination may be, we have to remember that reform takes time and works best slowly. Society is, by default, a conservative animal…it cannot handle rapid change well. Just look at the rapid accumulation of wealth in your country…class, culture, or whatever you call it, comes after three generations of good humanistic education.

Also, look at many of the educated, elite brahmins you speak disparagingly of – Savarkar, Namboodiripad…they were all against caste discrimination. I doubt they were exactly the kind to be swayed by the Nehruvian liberal model of social justice!

Two, what do you have to show for extending the vote to all for over six decades? As you said, there is still caste discrimination so that problem has not gone anywhere. In addition, the inability of the majority of the electorate to understand larger issues has lowered the level of public discourse to topi, puppy, and the colour of the kurta! On the one hand you bemoan the lack of discussion on policy yet on the other, you dilute the intellect of the electorate?

Subramanian: It could have been – would have been – a lot worse.

Gaius: But don’t you now have discrimination within the lower castes now? If I remember correctly, the creamy layer of the lower castes are oppressing the even lower layers! How is that helping your case?

These quotas, this suffrage…they are like applying a Band-Aid to a bullet wound. Real democracy must come from within; the constitution is a document reflecting values already inherent in the people. The violence done to tradition by India’s Anglicised elite is incalculable. Not only was India not ready for democracy but the rupture with its own evolution was stupendously obtuse.

Subramanian: *frowns* People are stupid…about the intra-caste discrimination, I mean. But this Indic past…I am not sure Indians can always drag something out of their history to solve today’s problems.

Gaius: [To vendor: Nandri, iddali romba pramadam] *both walk back to their shaded corner in the temple courtyard*  It’s not about history, it’s about this blasted modernity that has ruined much. For example, look at the state – the Anglo-Saxons made it into a contractual relationship, like with an outsider, whereas the Greco-Roman ideal has always been a culturally informed state. Taoism was closely tied to state functions in China, for example, which, obviously, was slowly replaced by Buddhism from the Qing dynasty on. Similarly, Hinduism sees the state and the people as parts of the same organism. After all, what is the state if not an embodiment of the people? The moment you see it that way, this entire notion of rights changes.

Subramanian: Sure, in monarchies in Europe, China, and India…maybe elsewhere too. I don’t think those structures can hold in a democracy like ours.

Gaius: Well, don’t forget that Rome was a republic for almost five centuries before it became an empire. We had a constitutionally defined position as dictator and it worked quite well…until entropy kicked in!

Subramanian: *laughs* The eternal struggle between the classes, yes…Marx, you old plagiarer!

Gaius: How did we decide on who gets to vote back in the day? We allowed those with a stake in society – landowners, businessmen, and so on. Now these people were full citizens and they had a duty to fight in the army if necessary. In fact, service was part of the citizen’s deal – he paid taxes, fought in the army if necessary, served in civilian posts, and he got to have a say in how the society was run. That was what the cursus honorum was all about.

The lower classes had their tribunes and the upper classes their senators. Obviously, it was never so smooth, but it never is. Systems are approximate, you must realise that. Besides, the system would not work today in many of its aspects – imagine 600 million people joining military service in India, or imagine the millions willing to renounce citizenship to avoid paying taxes! The tiered system has some benefits, nonetheless.

Subramanian: So citizenship was conferred upon participation, upon contribution? So basically if I were a Numidian in the 4th century BCE, I could move to Rome, start a business, pay taxes, and vote?

Gaius: Of course not, don’t be silly! You have to be conferred citizenship, it was an honour, not a right. With this honour came new privileges and heavier burdens. These honours were not given to anyone – depending upon when during our glorious rule, only Romans were citizens, then Latins, and then Italians. It was right at the fevered end that citizenship was extended to everyone in the Empire.

Citizenship reflected the relationship between the individual and his society. Was he willing to contribute to making it a better place? Bleed for it? Sweat for it? And even then, there were always ties of blood. What role would you give your neighbour, for example, in advising you about your marital discord? He may be a friend, but he is an outsider and all decisions are yours and your wife’s.

Subramanian: But surely there is a case to be made  that anyone who resided in Rome and contributed to its well-being via investments, taxation, and law-abiding conduct was an asset to the Empire? In the modern context, what if an NRI wanted to vote?

Gaius: No, there is no case. Suffrage is not bought, it is not an open club; it is a right bestowed upon some – well, nowadays all – that are of the community. Modern India’s experimentation with multicultural citizenship has weakened this sense of identity. Nothing wrong in multiculturalism but giving minorities special privileges was not the Roman way…and no one can deny that Rome was vibrantly multicultural. But you need an anchor.

As for NRIs, they are citizens and have a vote as I understand it. At least now they do…and as much as it would please me to have absentee ballots from abroad, that is not exactly a major issue as some pretend. When you pay your phone bill or taxes, you go to the government don’t you? Similarly, if you want to vote, come to your constituency! Absentee ballots are more of a requirement for people with highly transferable jobs like the military, honestly.

Subramanian: And I am beginning to think that PIOs have no voting privileges under your system…

Gaius: It’s not my system, it’s the law! Why should foreigners vote? These people left India – and they may have had very good reasons – and acquired a foreign citizenship. What makes them think they have any rights remaining in India? Even if they come back, until they do not re-acquire Indian citizenship, I see no reason to allow them voting privileges. They left for personal profit and they’re back for personal profit…without renouncing their foreign citizenship. I suppose it could be argued that they have an option not to live with the consequences of the vote unlike other Indians and so it is not fair to allow them to vote. But I personally favour the civilisational argument.

From the perspective of a contractual state, a case may be made for them to vote if certain criteria are met but from the perspective of a civilisational state, they have left the fold. Europe has transformed from civilisational states to contractual states. Why and when takes us far afield from our topic today but the question is, for you Indians, what kind of state do you want?

Subramanian: And are we not already living in a contractual state?

Gaius: Here, I disagree and go against the common perception. There is this lovely book I was reading the other day by a chap called Chris Bayly in which he argued that we see the Enlightenment and Industrial Revolution as a overpowering, unitary discourse. Which, of course, it was not. There is always a great deal of plurality in the ‘now-ness’ that is erased by meta-narratives, Subbu. Bayly says that because of this, we are surprised by the resurgence of religion in politics at the end of the Cold War when in fact it had always been there and we had not noticed.

To get to the point, no…I do not see India as a state but a nation-state. While the state may be the  contractual skeleton, the nation lends the sinews. Why should you care about India and not any other place that has similar or better contractual terms? To reduce the world to this utilitarian abstraction is nonsensical though many individualists do make this leap. But psychology shows us that we function best as communities, not individuals.

Okay, all this talking has made me thirsty…come, let’s get some kaapi from that idli vendor *stands up, stretches, and starts walking towards the temple gate again*

Subramanian: Amma, these bleddy firangs and their kaapi fetish! Well, you are right that we are straying way off course on this debate about state, contracts, and citizenship though I do see the connect with voting rights…or privileges as you may understand them. But let us get back to the narrower topic of Indians voting, particularly the disadvantaged.

You must admit Gaius, that in India, laws and reform movements have their limits. Laws can barely be implemented in cities, let alone penetrate the rural heartlands. In a situation where the untouchables would not have franchise, this could result in the continued propagation of this atrocious practice; their political mobilisation is important.

Erm…ah yes: you mentioned Namboodiripad and such, and yes, they were anti-caste discrimination. But what guarantees can there be that the entire administrative machinery will suddenly transcend their parochialism and turn reformist? You mention Hindu reformers, dear Gaius…so many reformers and yet so much untouchability?

Gaius: Haha! I could flip that around Subbu, and ask, so much political representation and yet so much untouchability? But seriously, what makes you think that political representation changes untouchability? Would education not affect that more as qualified people move to big cities in India and abroad? There is a far stronger argument – which I am sympathetic to, by the way – to be made for improving access to schools and universities. This benefits all Indians without discrimination. The real disenfranchisement, Subbu, comes from poverty. Look at the stratification within the dalits – it’s monetary, not caste based.

[To vendor: Ondu kaapi kodtheera, amma?]

Subramanian: Eh, foreigner! At least get the language right…this is the proper Dravida desam! [To vendor: Kaapi thaanga amma]

Gaius: In the words of the great Chris Tucker, “all of y’all look alike!” *laughs* Anway…this brings me to another point I wanted to make: to represent my view on adult franchise as an all or nothing system does it disservice. I’d argue that a tiered voting system is perhaps more suited. In all probability, even an illiterate farmer in Therekalputhoor or Rajakkamangalam knows more about his coconut groves than some babu in Dilli but the same farmer is unlikely to understand the nuances of India’s relations with Iran or France. In a more federal system, if the Union list and State list allowed states autonomy over their local administration – in the full sense of the word – that farmer would have a say in the policies that affect him directly but not in affairs that concern him only indirectly.

States can lobby the Centre for foreign policy initiatives – I’m sure you have a lot of thoughts on Lanka but less on, say, the Maldives. You might even have a third tier at the local level for local affairs, I don’t know…I am hardly creating a political document here, just voicing some thoughts. The educated – let’s say baccalaureate, first class, for now – can vote in national elections. I know news consumption is at an all-time low, that most allegedly educated people prefer to surf the internet for the latest skimpily clad starlet rather than reactor fuel assembly lattices, and this benchmark is problematic, but think of it as filtering out the riffraff rather than creating the perfect electorate!

Subramanian: Well, as long as you concede that the educated need not know anything, really, about the issues they might be voting on…

Gaius: Yes but the probability of them knowing more is higher than a village bumpkin…or an urban urchin.

Subramanian: And tell me, even if I agreed with you, how do you intend to implement this elaborate scheme in a country like India where they have difficulty maintaining even a regular electoral list?

Gaius: On that, I must concede defeat! But if the principles are sound, at least we can steer towards the general direction. There is no need to adopt ideas like sovereignty or franchise wholesale without any heed to applicability.

Subramanian: Then this is a good time for me to leave. While you’ve scoffed down idli and kaapi, my tummy is rumbling for its ragi! I’ll see you in the evening at the temple Echampati Gayathri concert this evening. Bye!

Gaius: Yes, I am getting dark in this blasted tropical sun too…ciao, paisan!

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